Political Advice From the Grave

As Republicans pick up the pieces and begin to repair the damage done to their brand, they might recall the difference between principled politics and dogmatic politics. GOP leaders would be wise to avoid knee-jerk conservatism, where their programmed response is to invariably resist change. They might heed the advice of conservative icon William F. Buckley, Jr., who, in 1974, nailed it in the pages of National Review:

“Conservatives pride themselves on resisting change, which is as it should be. But    intelligent deference to tradition and stability can evolve into intellectual sloth and moral fanaticism, as when conservatives simply decline to look up from dogma because the effort to raise their heads and reconsider is too great.”

Republican Dysfunction: When Message and Product Conflict

Are you excited at the thought of hearing Republicans’ “Big Ideas” on how to grow their shrinking market? I can’t wait. It’s not just a matter of re-positioning and repackaging their brand, or is it?

A strong brand creates an emotional bond with its constituents. When politicians say one thing, but do something else entirely, they undermine their brand credibility and risk severing their bond with voters. Republican IMPROPERGANDISTS may think it’s a game, but their disregard for facts and empty rhetoric is killing them. As Frank Rich writes in New York Magazine, Republicans are still deluding themselves, and stubbornly so.

I speak from experience. Once I announced that I “love” doing dishes, and then proceeded to let them pile up. Let me tell you, I faced one pissed off constituent.  My brand, at least for a day, was destroyed. My term for it: Brand dysfunction. If Republicans listen to Laura Ingraham, who recommends Republicans change “the language of dealing with Latinos,” they will face not only the prospect of brand dysfunction, but brand erosion. Their problems are bigger than their message or messenger.  You don’t become a more inclusive party by saying you’re a more inclusive party, and you don’t become a national party by saying you’re a national party. You have to change your product first.  Change never comes easy, especially for a Party passionately devoted to resisting it.

Election 2012: Chris Christie Bromance + Confessions of a Flip-Flopper

For Election Day, IMPROPERGANDA had a big zinger planned:  Chris Christie’s head superimposed on an image of a very large female opera singer, with the headline: The Fat Lady’s Singing.

That was before Barack Obama seduced the governor of New Jersey, setting off a Laurel and Hardy bromance. Suddenly Christie is now the best friend of liberals, who earlier dismissed the Bruce Springsteen fanatic as an opportunistic blowhard. And IMPROPERGANDA is no better than anyone else: After jeering Christie, we cheered him. And today, when my fiancé and writing partner tapped me on the shoulder, I realized the ramifications of said flip-flop. “Looks like we better scrap the Pavarotti-Christie thing,” she said. And she was right. How could we mock this guy now!?

It got me thinking. Why did I dislike Chris Christie so much to begin with? Am I just a
flip-flopper devoid of any cohesive intellectual framework, like Mitt Romney?

Remind me, what were my policy gripes with Christie, and why are they no longer compelling? Or maybe my turnaround is simply a case of hyper partisanship. We’re told repeatedly that voters yearn for issues-based campaigns. Yet many of us can’t cope with intellectual disagreement, because our emotional attachment to our respective partisan teams gets in the way.  Allegiance to team and turf trumps issues; emotion trumps reason.

We like to think that we are separate from or above animals, and that our ability to think differentiates us. Perhaps with the stock market, that is true. But when it comes to politics, we behave like territorial, instinctual animals. Campaign operatives are masters at using emotional wedge issues to define us and divide us into either of two camps. Campaign messages are designed not to intellectually engage voters, but to emotionally activate them, to rile them up. Campaigns are not, at their core, about issues; they are an exercise in group identity politics, in the manufacture and manipulation of group resentments. Political party affiliation is like membership in other groups, gangs, or Bubbles: it gives our lives a sense of connectedness, purpose, and common identity.

That, I’m afraid, is what’s at the center of Democrats’ love affair with Chris Christie.  It’s not that he saw the light; it’s that he saw our light. We identify with people who agree with us, who see the world like we do. When they cease to agree with us, the Bubble’s IMPROPERGANDISTS like Limbaugh or Maddow are brought in to assault their character and question their commitment to “the cause.” This, of course, is happening to Christie now. It’s the price he pays for going against the herd, for taking one for the wrong team, and for having the audacity to laud the president on Fox  News’ dime.

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2012 Election: Mitt Romney and the Erosion of Truth

There is no God higher than Truth - Mahatma Gandhi

“A judgment is said to be true when it conforms to the external reality.”

Ya think?

That statement is attributed to the 13th century philosopher/theologian Thomas Aquinas.  Tommy, you are so old school! Get out of here, dude, with that kind of talk — it belongs in the middle ages. In the 21st century, our notions of truth are much more enlightened.

As Annie Ball writes in The Atlantic: “The auto rescue may or may not have been good policy. But Ohioans seem to think it worked, and they give Obama credit for it. Having cycled through so many arguments against it, all of them unsuccessful, Romney appears to have concluded the only way to win on the issue is to mislead voters about its effects.”

Read more on the erosion of truth:

http://improperganda.com/2012/10/01/life-inside-the-bubble-dude-whered-my-facts-go/

http://improperganda.com/2012/10/02/life-inside-the-bubble-a-glossary/

Speak of the Devil: Palin’s Radioactive Racism

Sarah Palin crawls out of the Mystery Box. Paging Lee Atwater! Read about it HERE.

Garry Wills said it best: “Romney, of course, does not cultivate these voters. He does not have to. He does not denounce them, either…Under all the other hidden things, the Mystery Box is hiding a lethal level of radioactive racism.

Flip-Flop…Rolling out the New Romney

Robert Draper’s piece in Sunday’s New York Times Magazine provided a fascinating before-and-after assessment of Mitt Romney. His tilt to the right—“veer” might be more accurate–had its genesis in 2004 when political consultant Beth Myers assumed responsibility for managing and fulfilling Mitt Romney’s presidential aspirations. Myers had been around the Republican block, working in Reagan’s 1980 presidential campaign where, overseeing voter I.D. programs in rural Texas, she became a protege of Karl Rove.

Myers gets the credit, or blame, for constructing and rolling out the “new” Mitt Romney, and continues to serve as a key strategist. Reading the article, what struck me was the ease with which Mitt Romney reversed core beliefs, a process that he innocently refers to as changing his mind, which others term flip-flopping, and which I euphemistically call adopting Newly Cultivated Positions, or NCPs.

In 2004, the Romney Repositioning Campaign began in earnest, as Myers sought to transform him into a product more pleasing to the palate of conservative primary voters, activists, and donors — the Republican Party gatekeepers

Draper shows that Romney’s arc was not a thoughtful transformation but nakedly calculated, not the result of deep soul searching but transparently political.

Myer’s single-handedly squashed Romney’s alignment with the climate change movement, in which he was playing a leadership role. At Myer’s urging, Romney met with a number of opinion leaders in conservative circles, who helped him craft rationales and shape messages to explain his mounting list of policy and position reversals. Featured on his collection of Greatest Hits: the environment, abortion rights, stem cell research, gun control and, of course, healthcare reform.

Romney’s political transformation was conducted efficiently and routinely, not unlike a baseball player who shows up to work and is told he’s been traded. He packs his bags, catches the next flight, and by the time the first pitch is thrown, he’s already in the dugout, decked out in a new uniform and with new teammates.

These days players change teams so frequently that it no longer shocks the fans, the same way flip-flopping on core principals no longer shocks the voters. The ease with which players change teams and loyalties has contributed to cynicism among fans who are reluctant to grow attached to players they once considered heroes. Likewise, in American politics, flip-flopping–and the loss of credibility that goes with it –has contributed to a growing sense of alienation and indifference among many voters.

Draper leaves me with the feeling that Romney’s transformation was wholly and entirely political, as carefully calculated as it was flippantly fabricated. It was as if he were trying on a suit. If it didn’t quite fit, well then, he would simply make it fit…nothing that a little tailoring can’t fix.

The question remains:  Can voters tell the difference? And do they care?

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